| Author(s) | Friedrich Engels |
|---|---|
| Written | 12 April 1890 |
Dear Sorge,
Letter of 3-6 March received with thanks. The business of Miquel's letters[1] is not without considerable snags. 'Wilhelm'[2] would also like to have them, only to spring them on the world just at the wrong moment and thus deprive us for good of the hold we have over Miquel. For once the scandal had blown over, Miquel wouldn't give a fig for us. To me it seems far more important to keep some control over the chap by this means than to raise an unnecessary clamour as a result of which he would elude us and, what's more, have the pleasure of getting away unscathed. In any case everyone knows he was a member of the League.[3]
Again, my experience of the American press[4] has been altogether too startling for me to fall for the bait. If someone on the Volkszeitung were to get wind of the fact that the afore mentioned letters were in America, none of those sensation-mongers would have a moment's rest or repose until they had got hold of them—nor would I willingly subject anyone to such torment and temptation. Besides, how am I to know how long Schlüter will remain with the Volkszeitung and whether they mightn't make the publication of the said letters a condition of his remaining?
In short, I cannot possibly agree to this deal.
In Germany everything's going better than we could have hoped in our wildest dreams. Young William[5] is positively mad—as if cut out, that is, for the task of thoroughly disrupting the old order, shattering what little confidence remains among the propertied classes as a whole—whether Junkers or bourgeois—and preparing the ground for us in a way even the liberal Frederick III could not have done. His sudden urge to be amiable to the workers—purely Bonapartist and demagogic but adulterated with muddled dreams of a divinely inspired princely mission—makes no impression whatsoever on our chaps, something for which we have the Anti-Socialist Law to thank.[6] Even in 1878 it might still have served some purpose, have created some confusion in our ranks; it could not possibly do so now. Our people have been all too keenly aware of the iron hand of Prussia. A few weaklings—as, for example, Mr Blos and, perhaps, some of the 700,000 who have come to us as new recruits during the past three years—might waver a bit in this respect, but they'll quickly be voted down and, before the year is out, we shall see William wonderously disappointed as regards his power over the workers, whereupon love will turn to rage, and cajolery to persecution. Hence our policy should be to avoid creating any disturbance until the expiry of the Anti-Socialist Law on 30 September; for by then the Reichstag will have dispersed completely, and to declare another state of emergency would scarcely be feasible. But once we have regained our ordinary rights as citizens, you should witness renewed expansion on a scale such as will put in the shade even that which took place on 20 February.[7]
Since Little Willie's amiability towards the workers has as its counterpart an urge for military dictatorship (this shows how the present gang of princes are all turning Bonapartist, nolens volens) and he is all set to shoot people down at the first sign of resistance, it's up to us to see that he doesn't get the chance. As we found during the elections, we have made truly enormous headway in the country, particularly where, besides the big estates, there were, at most, big farmers, i.e. in the East. Three second ballots in Mecklenburg, 2 in Pomerania! The 85,000 votes that accrued between the first official count (1,342,000) and the second (1,427,000) all came from country districts where we were not expected to get any at all. Thus there is a prospect of our soon being able to capture the rural proletariat of the eastern provinces and, with it,—the soldiers of the 'crack' Prussian regiments. That will bring down the old order with a vengeance, and we shall govern. But the Prussian generals would have to be greater fools than I suppose for them not to be just as much aware of this as we are, and so they must be dying to stage a ceremonial massacre and thus put us out of harm's way for a while. That, therefore, is our second reason for proceeding in an ostensibly peaceable manner.
A third reason is that the electoral victory has gone to the heads of the masses—particularly in the case of new recruits—and they now believe themselves able to take everything by storm. Unless something is done to check this, all sorts of silly things will happen. And the bourgeoisie—vide the colliery owners—are doing all they can to encourage and provoke such silliness. For this they not only have their former reasons, but also the additional one of hoping they may thus put paid to little Willie's 'amiability towards the workers'.
I would ask you not to let Schlüter see the passages side-lined above. He tends to act impulsively and then, I know my Volkszeitung people—as journalists they ruthlessly seize upon anything that may be of use. But these matters must not get into the press, either out there or here, at least not into the German papers, and least of all as emanating from myself.
If, in the immediate future, therefore, our party in Germany should seem a trifle placatory—even as regards May Day—you will know the reason why. We are aware that the generals would gladly take advantage of May Day to do some shooting. In Vienna and Paris there is a similar intention.
In the Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna), Bebel's contributions from Germany are of particular importance. I never make up my mind about any point relating to German party tactics before having read Bebel's views on the subject, either in the Arbeiter-Zeitung or in one of his letters. He is wonderfully perspicacious. It's a pity that only Germany is known to him from his own observation. This week's article, 'Deutschland ohne Bismarck', is also by him.
You will have had Time (sent a week ago today)[8] containing my first article on Russian policy.[9]
My nerves are settling down a bit now that I have turned almost teetotal, in fact, I shall have to go on restricting myself until the autumn. Schorlemmer is still a total abstainer. He and I send our cordial regards to you and your wife. He is staying here over Easter and will go back to Manchester on Monday. Sam Moore is getting on well in Africa;[10] in a year's time he will be coming home on 6 months' leave.
Your
F. E.
First published in: Briefe und Auszüge aus Briefen von Joh. Phil. Becker, Jos. Dietzgen, Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx u. A. an F. A. Sorge und Andere. Stuttgart, 1906
Printed according to the original
Published in English in full for the first time